Der 18te Brumaire des Louis Napoleon

Der 18te Brumaire des Louis Napoleon The Eighteenth Brumaire Of Louis Bonaparte Is One Of Karl Marx Most Profound And Most Brilliant Monographs It May Be Considered The Best Work Extant On The Philosophy Of History With An Eye Especially Upon The History Of The Movement Of The Proletariat Together With The Bourgeois And Other Manifestations That Accompany The Same And The Tactics That Such Conditions Dictate Excerpt From Preface

Engels founded the Communist League in 1847 and published the Communist Manifesto After the failed revolution of 1848 in Germany, in which Marx participated, he eventually wound up in London Marx worked as foreign correspondent for several U.S publications His Das Kapital came out in three volumes 1867, 1885 and 1894 Marx organized the International and helped found the Social Democratic Party of Germany Although Marx was not religious,

❰EPUB❯ ✻ Der 18te Brumaire des Louis Napoleon Author Karl Marx –
  • 184 pages
  • Der 18te Brumaire des Louis Napoleon
  • Karl Marx
  • 19 February 2017

10 thoughts on “Der 18te Brumaire des Louis Napoleon

  1. says:

    Der 18te Brumaire des Louis Napoleon Der achtzehnte Brumaire des Louis Bonaparte The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, Karl Marx 1974 1353 110 1851 1848 1848 1852 1848 1850 1858 1851 1799

  2. says:

    1848 1851 10 1849 10

  3. says:

    I d like to specify before launching into my review of this excellent work of analysis that I m neither a Marxist nor even someone on the Left though I once was I do still grant and appreciate the role of economic conditions and relations in conditioning what occurs in politics, culture, law, and religion, but I don t see the economic sphere as determining, or even as predominating, the other dimensions of human existence.That s actually one of the lessons that comes through in this brilliant little text economics, class interests, and class consciousness play roles in but don t fully explain or predict what happens in politics What I particularly like about the mind of Marx seen in this essay is that history, economics, struggle, etc are NOT deterministic There is some room for individual decisions and motivations, for the person just as much as a political community to be a place of competing interests which have to make their claims.In fact, you could say that there s three main lessons Marx teaches here If the first is the one just noted, the second is that it is inherent to human beings and culture that when they are launching forth into something new, something radical, something revolutionary, they inevitably grope around for historical analogies, idealized precedents, dramatic roles, as it were, within which to locate themselves, their own actions and intentions, their rivals, allies, or enemies, even the basic situation being faced The third lesson is one about liberal democracies, the workings of politics in them, and a particular danger always lurking unrealized or in our own time, usually misfigured in the play of power and ideology Put very succinctly, it is that when ideologically driven interests are fully engaged in the sort of conflict that pulls at the very fabric of society, becoming plays and ploys for power, carried out to implement this or that set of goals beyond mere power, all of the competing factions are at a disadvantage with respect to the party or person which fundamentally just aims after power.The story that Marx narrates exemplifies these lessons A word of warning, though without some understanding of post Revolutionary French politics and culture, it can be quite difficult to make sense out of some of the developments and parties within the story For example, the Radicals in French parlance are really those who are still trying to continue the several decades past program of the French Revolution, essentially a party of bourgeois interests, looking for political change, but focused on rights of property, commerce, production, anti clerical and anti monarchic, but certainly not radical in the sense that an American reader might expect.The situation as Marx depicts it is one in which competing parties, each driven by their own class interests and class consciousness which will keep them, of course, from engaging in anything than alliances of expediency, unable to seek any genuinely common good together are engaged in struggle with each other, carried out partly through elections and the power that electoral victories bring, through their involvements with important institutions or significant portions of French society, through public opinion and at times through force.Each group is willing indeed at times eager to use what power they have against their perceived opponents and for the remaking of a society in clear crisis along their ideal lines Put very bluntly, each group wants to gain power, in order to use power to attain ends which are themselves beyond power They regard power instrumentally And, this struggle opens the door for someone who sees things quite differently, Napoleon III who Marx depicts as interested in power for its own sake, not laboring under the sorts of restraints or illusions holding back the other players on the political stage.Gaining the support of the Army, itself an venerable French institution with multiple roles, different ideological resonances, but also a keen conception of the need for some social order in the face of external threats, Bonaparte steers the different political factions against each other none of them realizing that what he intends not only does not align with their interests but ultimately entirely negates them preparing the way for his rise to complete power, a military backed autocracy.Bonaparte and the Army themselves were not immune to the temptation of historical mimesis Marx points out numerous enough parallels suggested themselves You might say that one of the ways the various competing parties went wrong was in not seeing what historical analogy they were actually acting within they thought they were involved in a very different game than the one it turned out they were in fact playing.A last note One of my areas of work is study of totalitarian movements The standard Marxist interpretation of Fascism and National Socialism long acknowledged as oversimplistic and on some counts just dead wrong has been to see the Facist NS organizations as coming from the naturally conservative petit bourgeoisie and as being essentially tools of big capital, tools which then turned on their makers or handlers When reading the 18th Brumiare, it is hard not to see parallels that could have led to a much better, accurate understanding of Fascism NS if orthodox Marxists had thought through this rich work But this is, and has been, one of those works by Marx that does present problems for Marxists and Marxism perhaps that s why it s one of his best.

  4. says:

    1851 1852 Die Revolution 1851 10 1848 32 14 1852 1852 .

  5. says:

    Just the best piece of political analysis ever written.

  6. says:

    Finished this on the day of Trump s inauguration apposite.

  7. says:

    Classic Doubly relevant with the contemporary fascist upsurge

  8. says:

    1851 1848 1851 .

  9. says:

    Il cesarismo populista, che tentazione per tutti i tangheri Unto del popolo, uomo del destino, incarnazione della volont degli elettori sentite le somiglianze Gli elettori, gli eletti dal popolo, dalla ggente Luigi Bonaparte che conquista il sommo potere democratico e ci si istalla indefinitivamente per sfuggire i creditori e la prigione per debiti, comprando voti e promettendo mari e monti a tutti, e alla fine cambiando la costituzione dello stato si autonomina imperatore, vi ricorda qualcuno Mamma mia Ma non impariamo niente dalla storia Letto in una edizione mitica degli ER anni 70 alla fine degli anni 70 Riletto alcuni anni fa, al termine dell Italia di Berlusconi Che, poi, finita realmente

  10. says:

    Enzo Traverso tinha falado do livro, um amigo confirmou esse livrinho menor ou esquecido de Marx acaba sendo um resumo de quest es de disputa de poder extremamente contempor neas.

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